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はてなキーワード: convenienceとは
Assuming you walked from Tochigi Station
Walk towards the station along the road in front of the New Ginger Museum,
and you will see a huge building with Tochigi Bank written on it.
Cross the traffic light in front of it and you will see a mysterious house with a Communist Party poster on it called Hasegawa Makura something, then walk towards Yakiniku King
Then you will see a building with TOBU written on it, and the city hall is on the second floor and above.
Where is the tourist information centre?
Do not cross in front of Tochigi Bank as in the previous steps, but walk until you reach the diagonal road. Then you will see a really large parking lot and the tourist information centre is next to it (they sometimes hold events in this large parking lot).
There is. If you head towards the city hall, you will definitely get there. The Ashikaga Bank is diagonally opposite.
How do I get to the Uzumagawa River?
There are fishing equipment shops and clothing stores lined up next to Starbucks.
Turn towards the shopping street and you will see a bridge. That's Korai Bridge, and the river that flows underneath is the Uzumagawa River.
On the way from the museum to the station, there is a Toyota rental car, so you can rent a car there, or ask the tourist information center where you can rent a bicycle.
If you can get either of those, go straight to Nakazawa Seimen, then turn toward Yoshinoya. If you keep going up the mountain, you will find Yamaoka-ya diagonally across from Aeon.
I want to go to Korakuen.
Go in the opposite direction from the station (where the viaduct is),
you will find TSUTAYA. From there, pass Family Mart and the gas station, cross the crosswalk, and you will find Korakuen in the parking lot of a supermarket called Yaohan (there are a lot of old people there).
Where is the pachinko parlor?
Drive past TSUTAYA, and beyond Korakuen there is a bridge, and beyond that is the pachinko parlor. After that, go past Yamaokaya and go to Aeon, and there will be a pachinko parlor right in front of you (as an aside, that store has disappeared once)
I want to buy something to drink
Go outside and go to Kawachi, which is just across the crosswalk. Yesterday they were selling oolong tea for 60 yen. Oh, inside the museum there is a vending machine that sells something like fresh ginger powder, disguised as a drink vending machine. Be careful
You can use the ATM at the Family Mart next to TSUTAYA, or go to the 7-Eleven in front of the station (next to Sukiya), or use the ATM at the convenience store inside the station.
半分だけ英語にしてみたけどすごく長い💧
そもそも困るという感覚がわからない。何言ってんだオメーみたいな。日本でセクマイごっこするのに困るの？
英語圏の某アセクコミュニティーは性嫌悪や恋愛疲れも受け入れてるからそこできゃっきゃやっとれと案内してあげると親切だと思います
割と日本の腐女子・生きづらいオタ女子が言いそうな発言とかも突っ込まれることなく、
穏やかにやりとりしてる(自分のアイディンティーなんて自己定義するものだからそれはそう)ので
ニコニコできるんじゃあないでしょうか？
たとえば『コンビニ人間』がAVENにアセクシャルとしてあげられていて草生えましたわ
I recently read 'The Convenience Store Woman' by Sayaka Murata (English translation)
It's a quirky, funny and quick read. I would even recommend it to people who don't like reading, if I thought the story/character/quirkiness would interest them. I'm actually going to give a copy to a friend as a gift.
The central character also appears to be aro and ace.
ーーー
風変わりで、面白くて、あっという間に読めてしまう。読書が好きでない人にも、ストーリーやキャラクター、奇抜さに興味を持ってもらえると思えば、薦めたいくらいです。実際、友人にプレゼントするつもりだ。
Asexuality and Asexual Characters in Books & Comics - a Collection
LGBTQA＋はキリスト教の枠組みの延長の話。宗教がまだ地域コミュニティに絶対の影響を持つ国や地域なら、
こういう種類の人間もいる、この人物は神の教えに背いてはいない、神はミスをおかしてはいないを積極的に明示していかないと、
家族と絶縁どころか地域全体から村八分、なんだったら自称伝統を守る人から物理攻撃を喰らう危険性があるので、
マイノリティの身心の安全を守るためにLGBTQA＋を浸透させるは大切なことなんだね
元増田(anond:20230912005213)もキミも興味はないと思うけどいちおうアセクシャルのコミュニティのサイトURL置いておきますね
割と日本の腐女子・生きづらいオタ女子がいいそうな発言とかも突っ込まれることなく
穏やかにやりとりしてる(自分のアイディンティーなんて自己定義するものだからそれはそう)ので
元増田(anond:20230912005213)も浮かないんじゃない？
『コンビニ人間』がAVENにアセクシャルとしてあげられていて草生えましたわ
I recently read 'The Convenience Store Woman' by Sayaka Murata (English translation)
It's a quirky, funny and quick read. I would even recommend it to people who don't like reading, if I thought the story/character/quirkiness would interest them. I'm actually going to give a copy to a friend as a gift.
The central character also appears to be aro and ace.
ーーー
風変わりで、面白くて、あっという間に読めてしまう。読書が好きでない人にも、ストーリーやキャラクター、奇抜さに興味を持ってもらえると思えば、薦めたいくらいです。実際、友人にプレゼントするつもりだ。
Asexuality and Asexual Characters in Books & Comics - a Collection
と思ったが、元増田があげた『コンビニ人間』がAVENにアセクシャルとしてあげられていて草
I recently read 'The Convenience Store Woman' by Sayaka Murata (English translation)
It's a quirky, funny and quick read. I would even recommend it to people who don't like reading, if I thought the story/character/quirkiness would interest them. I'm actually going to give a copy to a friend as a gift.
The central character also appears to be aro and ace.
ーーー
風変わりで、面白くて、あっという間に読めてしまう。読書が好きでない人にも、ストーリーやキャラクター、奇抜さに興味を持ってもらえると思えば、薦めたいくらいです。実際、友人にプレゼントするつもりだ。
Asexuality and Asexual Characters in Books & Comics - a Collection
友達が最近藤村シシンさんがFGOをギリシャ史と絡めて解説する動画にハマったらしい。ヲタトークをしていたらシシンさんの動画が面白かったという話をしていて、それはいいんだけど、「古代スパルタだとお金をわざと重くして人々が堕落しないようにしてたんだって！」と楽しそうに語りだしたので「そんなことある？？？」と思ってしまった。古代ギリシャ史については素人だけど、流石にちょっと胡散臭くないか？
ということで調べてみました！
動画はこれ。
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1R-hpr7FJdI
まあトーク番組だから出典をいちいち挙げないのは当然として、じゃあ何がソースなんだろうと思ってちょっと検索してみたら、元ネタはプルタルコスの『英雄伝』なのね……『英雄伝』はギリシャ・ローマの英雄たちの逸話を紹介してる本で、日本語訳も複数出てるけど、増田は素人だから手元になくて近所の図書館にもなさそうなので、ネットで英訳版を見てみることにする。具体的にはリュクールゴスの章に書かれているらしい。
Not contented with this, he resolved to make a division of their movables too, that there might be no odious distinction or inequality left amongst them; but finding that it would be very dangerous to go about it openly, he took another course, and defeated their avarice by the following stratagem: he commanded that all gold and silver coin should be called in, and that only a sort of money made of iron should be current, a great weight and quantity of which was very little worth; so that to lay up twenty or thirty pounds there was required a pretty large closet, and, to remove it, nothing less than a yoke of oxen. With the diffusion of this money, at once a number of vices were banished from Lacedaemon; for who would rob another of such a coin? Who would unjustly detain or take by force, or accept as a bribe, a thing which it was not easy to hide, nor a credit to have, nor indeed of any use to cut in pieces? For when it was just red hot, they quenched it in vinegar, and by that means spoilt it, and made it almost incapable of being worked.
In the next place, he declared an outlawry of all needless and superfluous arts; but here he might almost have spared his proclamation; for they of themselves would have gone after the gold and silver, the money which remained being not so proper payment for curious work; for, being of iron, it was scarcely portable, neither, if they should take the means to export it, would it pass amongst the other Greeks, who ridiculed it. So there was now no more means of purchasing foreign goods and small wares; merchants sent no shiploads into Laconian ports; no rhetoric-master, no itinerate fortune-teller, no harlot-monger, or gold or silversmith, engraver, or jeweller, set foot in a country which had no money; so that luxury, deprived little by little of that which fed and fomented it, wasted to nothing and died away of itself. For the rich had no advantage here over the poor, as their wealth and abundance had no road to come abroad by but were shut up at home doing nothing. (...)
なるほど、シシンさんのトークはプルタルコスの記述に忠実だ。少なくとも彼女は盛って話していたわけではない。
で、プルタルコスの『英雄伝』が書かれたのは後2世紀初頭と言われているんだけど、ここで逸話が語られているリュクールゴスはだいたい前9世紀頃に活躍した人物と言われているのね。彼はスパルタの半ば伝説的な立法者。要するにプルタルコスは直接スパルタで鉄貨を見たんじゃなくて「1000年くらい前のスパルタではそういうことがあったらしいよ」っていう伝承を語っているのよ。古事記かな？
ところで根本的に、古代ギリシャでは鉄の棒を通貨として使っていた地域があったらしいんだよね。「わざと鉄の棒を通貨として採用した」んじゃなくて「もともと鉄の棒をお金として使ってた」だと、かなりイメージ変わってこない？
https://www.brown.edu/Departments/Joukowsky_Institute/courses/greekpast/4792.html
ちょっと古い文献だけど，Charles Seltmanっていう貨幣の専門家が書いたA Book of Greek Coinsっていう本にも次のようなくだりがある。
Certain it is that before coined money was used in Greece other states as well as Sparta, chief among them Sparta's great rival Argos, regularly employed iron spits as currency.（34頁）
なんでかというと、スパルタがあったラコニア地方は単純に鉄が採れる地域なんだってさ。そら、鉄が採掘できるなら鉄貨使うわな。
Iron was mined in Laconian territory, in the southern spurs of Taygetus and Parnon which end in Capes Taenarum and Malea. It was, therefore, but natural that the Spartans, with the wealth at their disposal, should employ bar-iron as currency; and their conservatism, combined with their lack of any more precious metal, led them to continue the employment of iron money for four centuries after other Greek states had adopted coin（33頁）
さらにこうも書かれている。
a currency which was possibly kept in use for reasons of economic convenience rather than for the enforcement of a stern rule of life（34頁）
要するに、
ってことね。
「質実剛健さを重んじてわざとコインを使わなかった」のが仮に史実だとしても、「あえて鉄の棒を採用した」んじゃなくて「鉄の棒を使い続けた（＝コインを採用しなかった）」というのが本当のところなんだろうなぁ。
あと，「偉い人の論文読んでみたら、普通にスパルタでは外国の通貨使ってたらしいよ」というブログ記事も見つけた。ただ元の論文がなかなか見つけられないので確定的なことは言えないけれど……
https://hoferjonathan14.medium.com/the-iron-money-of-sparta-likely-a-myth-97d95d431a62
このエピソード、英語で色々ググってみたけど全部出典がプルタルコスに行き着くので、考古学的裏付けはあまりないっぽいんだよね。まあプルタルコスはおもしろネタが満載なわけだけど、そこしか出典がないとなると結構胡散臭いんじゃないかな。
もちろん増田は古典ギリシャ語とか読めない素人だから、実際には他のところにも記述があったり、考古学的証拠が見つかっていたり、リュクールゴス時代の古文書が発掘されている可能性もあるわけだけど、個人的にはシシンさんのスパルタの鉄貨に関するトークを信じる気にはなれないかなと思いました。
https://www.kk-bestsellers.com/articles/-/2907/
この記事に鉄の串の写真があって、シシンさんが解説を寄せている。解説の文面はまあ納得のいく見解なので（串がコインに先立つことや、コイン出現後もスパルタでは串が使われていたと書いている。そこに異論はない）、動画でのトークはネタに振り切った感じなんだろうか……
シシンさんの動画のそこ、笑ったw 増田も調査サンキューやで ／ その上で、動画はFGOというゲームを楽しむユーザー向けで、論文ではない。そこでネタとして紹介してくれたものに目くじらを立てる気に私はならんな
FGOファン向けなら史実かどうかは怪しいおもしろエピソードを史実かのように話していい…ってコト!? ワ…ワァ…FGOファンにもシシンさんにも失礼すぎて泣いちゃった！
様々な論点があるので100字に入りきらないが，スパルタは貴金属貨幣を禁止していたということと，リュクルゴス制の成立を前９世紀とするのは後世による「伝統の創造」であるこことは指摘したい。
書き方が悪かったかもしれませんが、鉄貨の存在や貴金属貨幣の禁止は否定していません。
動画では、シシンさんは「スパルタはお金をどんどん重くしていって、賄賂や贅沢を抑止していた脳筋国家である（少しでも金額が大きくなると持ちきれないほどの重さになるから袖の下は渡せないし、持つことで鍛えられるから）」と言っています。
これ、前提知識なしで聞くと「バーベルのような鉄貨は堕落を嫌ったスパルタの発明」と聞こえるんですよ。実際に増田にこの話を面白そうに話した友人もそう理解していましたし、増田もトークを聞いてそう理解しました。そして実際にプルタルコスはそう書いています。
でも実際には、単にコインの発明前からスパルタやその周辺地域には棒状の貨幣があって、スパルタはそれをコインに置き換えなかった、という話なんですよね。で、参考文献に挙げた本にも「マッチョイズムじゃなくて経済的だから使ってたんじゃない？」と書いてある（最後に引用したセンテンス）。これ絶妙に史実を勘違いさせるトークになってません？ って思っちゃうんですが、どうでしょう。
（もちろん、副次的効果として賄賂の抑止や筋力増強はあったかもしれませんが、それが主目的であるかのように論じられると……都会民は電車通勤ゆえに自家用車通勤の地方民より体力があったりしますが、都民の体力を増強させるために都はメトロを整備したんだ、と言い出したら違う話になるでしょう？）
I. INTRODUCTION
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I. INTRODUCTION
These Terms of Use and End User License Agreement (collectively, the “Agreement”) together with all the documents referred to in it constitute a legally binding agreement made between you as a natural person (“you”, “your” or “user”) and We (“we,” “us” or “our”), concerning your access to and use of the software application for mobile devices (the “App”).
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誰だっていいところと悪いところがある
はてなにはそういう方が多い、よ！！
で、どうすればいいのか、という話ですが
4C分析
Customer value Cost Convenience Communication
これらを上手に使いこなせば、うまく人生生きていける、よ！！
私はコミットログの書き方に悩む英語の苦手な人間である。実際、似たような人は世の中に結構いるようで、頻出単語を集計したりまとめたものは既にあって役に立つのだけれど、これらはあくまで単語の話であり、具体的な文を構成する過程でやっぱり困る部分がかなりあった。
要するに、どういう時にどういう文が使われているのか、ということを示した例文集が欲しいのである。ググると他にも「例文集があればいいのに」みたいな声はあるくせして、しかし誰も作ろうとしない。何なんだお前ら。それじゃ私が楽できないじゃないか。
ここで挙げているコミットログは全て実際のコミットログからの転載である。当然ながら各コミットログの著作権はそれぞれの書き手にある。いずれも各英文でググれば出てくるし、フェアユースの範囲なら許してくれるだろうと考え名前とプロジェクト名は割愛したが、ここにお詫びと感謝を述べておきたい。
抽出条件だが、参考にできそうなコミットログを多く含んでいそうなリポジトリをGitHubのSTARの多い方からざっと目で見て適当に選び、それぞれ最新コミットから5000件抽出した（あわせて前処理として、コミットログ冒頭のタグ情報は消去した）。
atomのみ5400件抽出していたため、計25400件のコミットログがベースである。このうち、以下の条件に合致するものは参考例にすべきでないとして一律排除した。
こうして残った8540件を眺めながら、適当に切り出したのがこの用例集である。個人的に「うーんこの」と思った表現も、散見される場合は載せた。
ということで、以下用例を羅列していく。
以上の用例をふまえ、今回の参考ログ8540件から先頭の単語を出現回数で並べると次のようになった。
| Add | 1149 |
| Fix | 1014 |
| Update | 584 |
| Remove | 566 |
| Use | 382 |
| Don't | 260 |
| Make | 228 |
| Move | 178 |
| Change | 103 |
| Rename | 85 |
| Improve | 76 |
| Avoid | 68 |
| Allow | 65 |
| Implement | 60 |
| Handle | 58 |
コミットログの基本形はもちろん動詞 + 名詞である。名詞は固有名詞、複数形、不可算名詞が多いが、単数形の場合の冠詞は a が使われるか、あるいは省略される。the はまず使われない。
何かを追加した、という表現では非常に広く Add が使われる。メソッドからテスト、ドキュメントに至るまで大概これでまかなえる。
一方、何かを修正した、という表現では広く Fix が使われる。「何か」は typo や crash といった単語からメソッド名まで幅広い名詞を取るが、動名詞はあまり取らないのと、that節は取らないのでその点は注意が必要である。
Fix は「何かが正しく動くようにした」ことを示し、正しい動作内容が何かを説明しない。そこで正しい動作内容に言及したい場合は Make sure が使われる（こちらはthat節が取れる）。ただし Fix よりもニュアンス的に重い表現と思われ、Fix を使わず Make sure ばかり使うのはちょっとキモいのではないかと思う（Ensure はさらに重い表現っぽい）。
また、Fix は typo 以外でのドキュメント修正に対して使われることは稀である。対して Update はドキュメント、コメント、テストに使われ、本体のコードの修正に対しては使われない。本体コードの修正にあわせてテストも更新したなら Update が使われる。ただ、テスト機構それ自体のバグを修正したなら Fix である。
無駄な何かを単純に除去したなら Remove を使う。これまでのもの(A)から別のもの(B)に切り替えたのであれば Use B instead of A か Change A to B が使われる。新たに何かを利用するようにしたのであれば Use を、利用を取りやめた場合は Don't use を使うことが多い。
何かをしないようにしたなら Don't を、内部実装の効率化なら Make A + 比較級/形容詞 か Improve が使われる。
中身の変更を伴わない単なる名前の変更なら Rename A to B、コードや機能の論理上の場所を移動させたなら Move A to B である。
この辺はリファクタリングと呼ばれる行為と思うが、Refactor というぼんやりした動詞はあまり使われず、このように変更内容の種類に応じて動詞が使い分けられている。
コミットログにはWhyを書くべきだ、というのを何かで見かけたので because とか since を使ったログがどの程度あるかを調べたが、8540件のうち22件だった。基本的に短く、シンプルに、一目で意味が取れるログが好まれる傾向がある。例えば get rid of とか2件しか使われておらず、圧倒的に remove である。
一方で、シンプルな単語だけど開始単語としては使われないものもある。例えば次のような単語である。Expand(9)、Extend(8)、Print(5)、Optimize(5)、Publish(4)、Append(4)、Modify(3)、Manage(2)、Revise(2)、Dump(2)、Insert(2)、Migrate(2)、Enhance(1)、Edit(1) 。いずれもカッコ内は8540件に対する冒頭での登場回数である。結局、より一般的で平易な単語で表せたり、Refactor同様に抽象度が高すぎると使われないのだろう。
8000件もログを見たおかげで、迷いなくコミットメッセージが思いつくようになったのが個人的には今回書いてて最大の収穫だった。たぶんカンニングペーパーを作る行為それ自体が効率のいい学習になるという話と同じだと思う。
このまとめも100以上用例を転載してあるので、それを読むだけでも多少は効果があるんじゃないかと思う。同じようにコミットログ書きたくねぇなぁ英語わっかんねぇなぁと思っている人にとって、何か役に立つところがあれば幸いである。
いや、おかしいでしょ。なんでPlaceが流通になるの。なんとか頭文字を合わせようとしただけじゃないの。
で、さらに顧客志向のマーケティングミックスとして後に生まれたのが4C。
サービスのマーケティングミックスでは4Pに3つのPが加えられ、7Pになる。
Physical Evidenceが分かりにくすぎる。2単語になってるし。
さらに共生マーケティングにおける4Cは上記の4Cとは違うとか、共生マーケティングの分野には7Cs COMPASS MODELなるものもあるとか。
7Cs COMPASS MODELが何を言ってるか分かる人います？
無理やりかっこよく頭文字を合わせてなんの得があるというのか。
韓国を訪問したオバマが「慰安婦はとんでもない人権侵害だ」と発言した。
それに対して安倍総理は「筆舌に尽くしがたい思いをされた慰安婦の方々のことを思うと本当に胸が痛む思い」だとし、
「２０世紀は女性を始め、多くの人権が侵害された世紀であった。人権侵害が起こらない21世紀にするため、日本も大きな貢献をしたい」と述べた。
これはちょっと意外な発言で、日韓のメディア、右派左派ともにちょっと戸惑った感じがしたように思える。
安部首相の真意がどういうものなのか、これからの行動を見ないと分からないが、
これは、慰安婦に対する人権侵害を認めつつ、「慰安婦制度をやっていたのは日本だけでなかった」という文脈を作ろうとしているのかなと思えた。
それはオバマの発言に対して、「米軍慰安婦はどうなんだ」「朴正煕の韓国軍慰安婦管理はどうなんだ」という反応が多く見られたものを反映していると思う。
「20世紀」という一般化といい、正直なかなかうまい手というか、慰安婦問題に対して右左をなだめる、これまでにないスタンスになるかもと思った。
そうなってくると、戦後の韓国の慰安婦制度が本当にあったのかという話になってくる。あったなら、慰安婦像を海外に建てるキャンペーンが別の意味を持ってくる。
別に「あいつらもやってから、俺らは悪くない」という意図ではなく、
実際問題として、日本が謝罪もし、アジア女性基金も設立した一方で、韓国自身が実は同じ問題を抱えていたのに黙殺するという事態は、事実を明らかにする上でも好ましくないと思う。
まとめサイトではソースがあいまいなものも含めてよく目にするが、いくら内輪で盛り上がっても意味は皆無で
海外でどのようにどのように研究されているか、というのが重要になると思う。
残念ながら、メディアという点では海外では概して「20万人の韓国人が日本に性奴隷にされた」「日本はその歴史を否定しようとしている」という文脈で報じられているのがほとんどだ。
しかし、アカデミズムの分野では、ここ最近韓国自身の慰安婦制度に目を向けられているものも増えているように見受けられる。
おおよそ中立的な立場であると見受けられるC.Sarah Sohという研究者の2009年に出版された"The Comfort Women"という本は海外でも評判が高いようなので、色々調べようと思った。
http://www.goodreads.com/book/show/6068978-the-comfort-women
検索すると、Google Readersで一部内容が見ることができ、その部分にちょうど韓国の慰安婦制度について記述しているところがあったので、メモ代わりに引用しておく。
もちろん、この本は、日本の慰安婦制度、および人権侵害にも厳しい目を向けているが、
この部分の結論としては、韓国は慰安婦生存者を日本の抵抗のシンボルとして英雄扱いする一方で、韓国自身の慰安婦制度含む性の人権侵害には目を向けてこなかったということを言っている。
「韓国が戦後慰安婦制度を使用してきた」という事実は、単なるネット右翼のデマではなく、海外の研究者にも裏付けられている事実であり、もっと注目されるべきではないかなと思う。
"The Comfort Women: Sexual Violence and Postcolonial Memory in Korea and Japan" by C.Sarah Soh
(p:211～)
After its liberation from Japanese rule in August 1945,the Korean Peninsula was divided into two: Soviet troops occupied the northern half and the US military the southern half. The ongoing US military presence in South Korea led to the formation and maintenance of “Camp towns” (kijich’on, in Korean) around the military bases, a development that has had a striking social impact on Korean communities. Kijich’on (literally, base or camp [kiji] village [ch’on]) refers to the civilian world of commercial establishments and residential buildings that have sprung up around the US military bases and cater to the needs of the American GI’s. It is “ a place where Koreans and Americans- mostly male military personnel- meet in an economic and emotional marriage of convenience”. As of the end of 1996, 37,000 American troops supported the economies of ninety-six kijich’on. The estimated number of kijich’on prostitutes over the first four decades of the American presence ranges between 250,000 and 300,000.
(中略)
The kijich'on sex trade consolidated and expanded during the second phase, which began with the Korean War. In her testimony, Pak Sun-i who had laboured at three different comfort startions in Japan 1944 to the end of the war, recalled:
"At twenty-seven years of age, I was having a hard time making ends meet in Tongduch'on (the largest kijich'on just outside Seoul). I ended up cohabiting with a staff sergeant of the USArmy for about two years... One of my friends from the days at a comfort station in Japan also worked as yang-gonju, but she passed away."
An American veteran who served in Korea in the 1950s after the end of the Korean War recounted that on Friday nights half-ton trucks would bring into the base a few hundred women to stay the night or the weekend with the soldiers. In 1958, five years after the armistice, the majority of about 300,000 prostitutes in Korea reportedly served American soldiers. Some of them, like their earlier Japanese counterparts(RAA), married and emigrated to the United States as wives of servicemen.
The fact that the Korean military also availed themselves of the "special comfort unit" during the Korean War has received little public attention even after the Korean women's movement in support of the "comfort women" began in the 1990s. Only piecemeal anecdotal materials on it had come to light from memoirs written by retired generals and generals and the testimony of soldiers who fought in the war.
(中略)
Characterizing the Korean military comfort system as an "unfortunate offspring" of the Japanese colonial legacy, Kim Kwi-ok called for victimized women, civic organizations, and scholars to come together and confront the unresolved issues of this historical injustice. The media reports of Kim's work, however, have generated little response. There has been no public outcry regarding the Korean military's use of "comfort women" during the Korean War or its violation of women's human rights. Korean silence over these issues is reminiscent of earlier societal indifference toward survivors of imperial Japan's comfort system, It mirrors the reticence of many Japanese to come to terms with the history of their country's wartime comfort system. As in the case of Japan, many in Korea, including retired military leaders, apparently regard the women's sexual labour simply as the performance of gendered customary sex labour in order to meet the needs of fighting men. It is noteworthy that military authorities have acknowledged that the system of special comfort units contradicts the national policy of banning licensed prostitution. Nonetheless, they have insisted that the special units were created to fulfill an important strategic end.
(中略)
(日本人の韓国への売春ツアー、及び韓国人の東南アジアへの売春ツアーは看過されてきたが、という話の後）
However, when it comes to the issue of Japan's wartime "comfort women" system, which has been redefined by the international community as a prominent case of violence against women in armed conflict, no social critic or public intellectual in Korea would dare to take the customary masculinist position that such a system benefits the economy or promotes national security. This is because the comfort women issue has been redefiend as military sexual slavery and a war crime by the international community owing largely to women's collaborative movement for redress in Japan and Korea.
Still, little critical public discourse has occurred on the legacies of that historical institution or the social structural dimension of Korea'S comfort women tragedy. Few are willing to consider the unsavoury fact that, accustomed to indigenous public institutions that have granted customary sex rights to men, and licensed by the colonial government, many Koreans did not hesitate to collaborate in recruiting and runing comfort stations by trafficking in girls and young women. Rather than deal with the messy and unpleasant complications of the historical record, Korean public discourse has simplistically elevated the survivors to heroic symbols of national suffering under Japanese colonialism and its imperialist war of aggression.
By contrast, Japan, which is unavoidably seen as the perpetrator nation, has been in turmoil over contested representations of the comfort women phenomenon and its responsibility in the matter. Meanwhile, the international - as well as domestic - trade in public sex prospers in capitalist economies of Japan and Korea despite endless incidents of criminal abuse of women so employed by both foreigners and compatriots. The social historical legacies of masculinist sexual culture and political economic realities in the two countries continue to help construct women'S sexual labour as stigmatized yet customary care labour for masculine "need".
Digital cameras are made in a wide range of sizes, prices and capabilities. The majority are camera phones, operated as a mobile application through the cellphone menu. Professional photographers and many amateurs use larger, more expensive digital single-lens reflex cameras (DSLR) for their greater versatility. Between these extremes lie digital compact cameras and bridge digital cameras that "bridge" the gap between amateur and professional cameras. Specialized cameras including multispectral imaging equipment and astrographs continue to serve the scientific, military, medical and other special purposes for which digital photography was invented.
Subcompact with lens assembly retracted
Compact cameras are designed to be tiny and portable and are particularly suitable for casual and "snapshot" uses. Hence, they are also called point-and-shoot cameras. The smallest, generally less than 20 mm thick, are described as subcompacts or "ultra-compacts" and some are nearly credit card size.[2]
Most, apart from ruggedized or water-resistant models, incorporate a retractable lens assembly allowing a thin camera to have a moderately long focal length and thus fully exploit an image sensor larger than that on a camera phone, and a mechanized lens cap to cover the lens when retracted. The retracted and capped lens is protected from keys, coins and other hard objects, thus making it a thin, pocketable package. Subcompacts commonly have one lug and a short wrist strap which aids extraction from a pocket, while thicker compacts may have two lugs for attaching a neck strap.
Compact cameras are usually designed to be easy to use, sacrificing advanced features and picture quality for compactness and simplicity; images can usually only be stored using lossy compression (JPEG). Most have a built-in flash usually of low power, sufficient for nearby subjects. Live preview is almost always used to frame the photo. Most have limited motion picture capability. Compacts often have macro capability and zoom lenses but the zoom range is usually less than for bridge and DSLR cameras. Generally a contrast-detect autofocus system, using the image data from the live preview feed of the main imager, focuses the lens.
Typically, these cameras incorporate a nearly silent leaf shutter into their lenses.
For lower cost and smaller size, these cameras typically use image sensors with a diagonal of approximately 6 mm, corresponding to a crop factor around 6. This gives them weaker low-light performance, greater depth of field, generally closer focusing ability, and smaller components than cameras using larger sensors.
Starting in 2011, some compact digital cameras can take 3D still photos. These 3D compact stereo cameras can capture 3D panoramic photos for play back on a 3D TV.[3] Some of these are rugged and waterproof, and some have GPS, compass, barometer and altimeter. [4]
Main article: Bridge camera
Bridge are higher-end digital cameras that physically and ergonomically resemble DSLRs and share with them some advanced features, but share with compacts the use of a fixed lens and a small sensor. Like compacts, most use live preview to frame the image. Their autofocus uses the same contrast-detect mechanism, but many bridge cameras have a manual focus mode, in some cases using a separate focus ring, for greater control. They originally "bridged" the gap between affordable point-and-shoot cameras and the then unaffordable earlier digital SLRs.
Due to the combination of big physical size but a small sensor, many of these cameras have very highly specified lenses with large zoom range and fast aperture, partially compensating for the inability to change lenses. On some, the lens qualifies as superzoom. To compensate for the lesser sensitivity of their small sensors, these cameras almost always include an image stabilization system to enable longer handheld exposures.
These cameras are sometimes marketed as and confused with digital SLR cameras since the appearance is similar. Bridge cameras lack the reflex viewing system of DSLRs, are usually fitted with fixed (non-interchangeable) lenses (although some have a lens thread to attach accessory wide-angle or telephoto converters), and can usually take movies with sound. The scene is composed by viewing either the liquid crystal display or the electronic viewfinder (EVF). Most have a longer shutter lag than a true dSLR, but they are capable of good image quality (with sufficient light) while being more compact and lighter than DSLRs. High-end models of this type have comparable resolutions to low and mid-range DSLRs. Many of these cameras can store images in a Raw image format, or processed and JPEG compressed, or both. The majority have a built-in flash similar to those found in DSLRs.
In bright sun, the quality difference between a good compact camera and a digital SLR is minimal but bridgecams are more portable, cost less and have a similar zoom ability to dSLR. Thus a Bridge camera may better suit outdoor daytime activities, except when seeking professional-quality photos.[5]
In low light conditions and/or at ISO equivalents above 800, most bridge cameras (or megazooms) lack in image quality when compared to even entry level DSLRs. However, they do have one major advantage: their much larger depth of field due to the small sensor as compared to a DSLR, allowing larger apertures with shorter exposure times.
A 3D Photo Mode was introduced in 2011, whereby the camera automatically takes a second image from a slightly different perspective and provides a standard .MPO file for stereo display. [6]
[edit]Mirrorless interchangeable-lens camera
Main article: Mirrorless interchangeable-lens camera
In late 2008, a new type of camera emerged, combining the larger sensors and interchangeable lenses of DSLRs with the live-preview viewing system of compact cameras, either through an electronic viewfinder or on the rear LCD. These are simpler and more compact than DSLRs due to the removal of the mirror box, and typically emulate the handling and ergonomics of either DSLRs or compacts. The system is used by Micro Four Thirds, borrowing components from the Four Thirds DSLR system.
[edit]Digital single lens reflex cameras
Cutaway of an Olympus E-30 DSLR
Main article: Digital single-lens reflex camera
Digital single-lens reflex cameras (DSLRs) are digital cameras based on film single-lens reflex cameras (SLRs). They take their name from their unique viewing system, in which a mirror reflects light from the lens through a separate optical viewfinder. At the moment of exposure the mirror flips out of the way, making a distinctive "clack" sound and allowing light to fall on the imager.
Since no light reaches the imager during framing, autofocus is accomplished using specialized sensors in the mirror box itself. Most 21st century DSLRs also have a "live view" mode that emulates the live preview system of compact cameras, when selected.
These cameras have much larger sensors than the other types, typically 18 mm to 36 mm on the diagonal (crop factor 2, 1.6, or 1). This gives them superior low-light performance, less depth of field at a given aperture, and a larger size.
They make use of interchangeable lenses; each major DSLR manufacturer also sells a line of lenses specifically intended to be used on their cameras. This allows the user to select a lens designed for the application at hand: wide-angle, telephoto, low-light, etc. So each lens does not require its own shutter, DSLRs use a focal-plane shutter in front of the imager, behind the mirror.
Main article: Rangefinder camera#Digital rangefinder
A rangefinder is a user-operated optical mechanism to measure subject distance once widely used on film cameras. Most digital cameras measure subject distance automatically using electro-optical techniques, but it is not customary to say that they have a rangefinder.
[edit]Line-scan camera systems
A line-scan camera is a camera device containing a line-scan image sensor chip, and a focusing mechanism. These cameras are almost solely used in industrial settings to capture an image of a constant stream of moving material. Unlike video cameras, line-scan cameras use a single row of pixel sensors, instead of a matrix of them. Data coming from the line-scan camera has a frequency, where the camera scans a line, waits, and repeats. The data coming from the line-scan camera is commonly processed by a computer, to collect the one-dimensional line data and to create a two-dimensional image. The collected two-dimensional image data is then processed by image-processing methods for industrial purposes.
Further information: Rotating line camera
Many devices include digital cameras built into or integrated into them. For example, mobile phones often include digital cameras; those that do are known as camera phones. Other small electronic devices (especially those used for communication) such as PDAs, laptops and BlackBerry devices often contain an integral digital camera, and most 21st century camcorders can also make still pictures.
Due to the limited storage capacity and general emphasis on convenience rather than image quality, almost all these integrated or converged devices store images in the lossy but compact JPEG file format.
Mobile phones incorporating digital cameras were introduced in Japan in 2001 by J-Phone. In 2003 camera phones outsold stand-alone digital cameras, and in 2006 they outsold all film-based cameras and digital cameras combined. These camera phones reached a billion devices sold in only five years, and by 2007 more than half of the installed base of all mobile phones were camera phones. Sales of separate cameras peaked in 2008. [7]
Integrated cameras tend to be at the very lowest end of the scale of digital cameras in technical specifications, such as resolution, optical quality, and ability to use accessories. With rapid development, however, the gap between mainstream compact digital cameras and camera phones is closing, and high-end camera phones are competitive with low-end stand-alone digital cameras of the same generation.
A Canon WP-1 waterproof 35 mm film camera
Waterproof digital cameras are digital cameras that can make pictures underwater. Waterproof housings have long been made but they cost almost as the cameras. Many waterproof digital cameras are shockproof and resistant to low temperatures; one of them is Canon PowerShot D10, one of the first underwater digital cameras.
These cameras become very popular during the holiday season, because many people want to save the best moments from their holidays at the seaside. Waterproof watches and mobile phones were produced earlier. Most makers of digital cameras also produce waterproof ones and every year they launch at least one new model, for example Sony, Olympus, Canon, Fuji.
Healthways Mako Shark, an early waterproof camera,[8] was launched in 1958 and cost around 25 dollars. It was a huge camera and pictures were black and white.
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